Ikhwanul Kiram Mashuri
SINCE the overthrow of President Mohammed Mursi on July 3, 2013, Egypt continued to churn. Muslim Brotherhood who supported Mursi called the overthrow as a military coup against the democratically elected president. They almost every day rejected it by protesting the government of military backed President Adli Mansur. Earlier, Chief of Armed Forces/Egyptian Defense Minister, General Abdul Fatah Sisi, has been appointed Chairman of the Constitutional Court, Adli Mansur, to replace interim president Mursi.
Until now hundreds of Mursi supporters died in the hands of the new regime officials. Thousands of people were injured. Muslim Brotherhood leaders were arrested and imprisoned, also a number of other activists who advocate democracy. Even the government of Adli Mansur has also announced Muslim Brotherhood as a banned terrorist organization in Egypt and at the same time.Not only was the opposition, the media that dare to criticize the new government muzzled. Journalists were jailed. Including Doha based Aljazeera in Qatar, which up to now, referred the overthrow of Mursi as a military coup. A number of journalists are now huddled in the administration of President Adli Mansur jails. Although the country is running a road map (khorithoh at Toriq) for more democratic future of Egypt, but some analysts were pessimistic. They estimated that Egypt will return to the Mubarak regime. Democracy is only a slogan. While the future government, whoever the president, should have the blessing from the military.
The following excerpt from the letter of Aljazeera journalist, Peter Greste, written from Turrah prison, south of Cairo. Greste was arrested along with two colleagues from Aljazeera, Muhammad Adil Muhammad Fahmi and Bahir, on 29 December. Journalists from Australia and Peabody Award winner for work on Somali documentary before joining Aljazeera have ever worked for Reuters, CNN, WTN, and BBC.
The letter of Peter Greste was then posted in Aljazeera.net on January 26, 2014 edition depicts some of the condition Egypt now, particularly related with freedom of the press in the country;
I am nervous as I write this. I am in my cold prison cell after my first official exercise session – four glorious hours in the grass yard behind our block and I don’t want that right to be snatched away.
I’ve been locked in my cell 24 hours a day for the past 10 days, allowed out only for visits to the prosecutor for questioning, so the chance for a walk in the weak winter sunshine is precious.
So too are the books on history, Arabic and fiction that my neighbors have passed to me, and the pad and pen I now write with.
I want to cling to these tiny joys and avoid anything that might move the prison authorities to punitively withdraw them. I want to protect them almost as much as I want my freedom back.
That is why I have sought, until now, to fight my imprisonment quietly from within, to make the authorities understand that this is all a terrible mistake, that I’ve been caught in the middle of a political struggle that is not my own. But after two weeks in prison it is now clear that this is a dangerous decision. It validates an attack not just on me and my two colleagues but on freedom of speech across Egypt.
All of a sudden, my books seem rather petty. I had been in Cairo only two weeks before interior ministry agents burst through the door of my hotel room, that of my colleague and producer Mohamed Fahmy, and into the home of Aljazeera’s second producer Baher Mohamed.
Accuracy, fairness, and balance
We had been doing exactly as any responsible, professional journalist would – recording and trying to make sense of the unfolding events with all the accuracy, fairness and balance that our imperfect trade demands.
Most of the time, it is not a difficult path to walk. But when the Egyptian government declared the Muslim Brotherhood to be “terrorist organization”, it knocked the middle ground out of the discourse. When the other side, political or otherwise, is a “terrorist”, there is no neutral way. As George W. Bush loved to point out after 9/11, you are either with the government or with the terrorists. So, even talking to them becomes an act of treason, let alone broadcasting their news however benign.
The following day, the government fleshed out its definition of the term. Anyone caught handing out Muslim Brotherhood leaflets, or simply participating in protest marches against the government could be arrested and imprisoned for “spreading terrorist ideology”.
The Muslim Brotherhood has lost much of the support and credibility once had when its political leader Mohamed Morsi became Egypt’s first democratically elected president just over a year and a half ago. And many here hold it responsible for a growing wave of Islamist violence, but it remains the single largest and best organized social and political force in Egypt. What then for a journalist striving for “balance, fairness and accuracy?” How do you accurately and fairly report on Egypt’s ongoing political struggle without talking to everyone involved?
The three of us have been accused of collaborating with a terrorist organization [the Muslim Brotherhood], of hosting Muslim Brotherhood meetings in our hotel rooms, of using unlicensed equipments to deliberately broadcast false information to further their aims and defame and discredit the Egyptian state.
The state has presented no evidence to support the allegations, and we have not been formally charged with any crime. But the prosecutor general has just extended our initial 15-day detention by another 15 days to give investigators more time to find something. He can do this indefinitely – one of my prison mates has been behind bars for 6 months without a single charge.
“The prisons are overflowing”
I am in Tora prison – a sprawling complex in the south of the city where the authorities routinely violate legally enshrined prisoners’ rights, denying visits from lawyers, keeping cells locked for 20 hours a day (and 24 hours on public holidays) and so on. But even that is relatively benign compared to the conditions my colleagues are being held in.
Fahmy and Baher have been accused of being Muslim Brotherhood members, so they are being held in the far more draconian “Scorpion prison” built for convicted terrorists. Fahmy has been denied the hospital treatment he badly needs for a shoulder injury he sustained shortly before our arrest. Both men spend 24 hours a day in their mosquito-infested cells, sleeping on the floor with no books or writing materials to break the soul- destroying tedium. Remember we have not been formally charged, much less convicted of any crime. But this is not just about three Aljazeera journalists. Our arrest and continued detention sends a clear and unequivocal message to all journalists covering Egypt, both foreign and local.
The state will not tolerate hearing from the Muslim Brotherhood or any other critical voices. The prisons are overflowing with anyone who opposes or challenges the government. Secular activists are sentenced to three years with hard labor for violating protest laws after declining an invitation to openly support the government; campaigners putting up “No” banners ahead of the constitutional referendum are summarily detained.
Anyone, in short, who refuses to applaud the institution,. So our arrest is not a mistake, and as a journalist this IS my battle. I can no longer pretend it’ll go away by keeping quiet and crossing my fingers. I have no particular fight with the Egyptian government, just as I have no interest in supporting the Muslim Brotherhood or any other group here. But as a journalist I am committed to defending a fundamental freedom of the press that no one in my profession can credibly work without. One that is deemed vital to the proper functioning of any open democracy, including Egypt’s with its new constitution.
Of course we will continue to fight this from inside prison and through the judicial system here. But our freedom, and more importantly the freedom of the press here, will not come without loud sustained pressure from human rights and civil society groups, individuals and governments who understand that Egypt stability depends as much as on its ability to hold open honest conversations among its people and the world, as it does on its ability to crush violence.
We know it is already happening, and all of us are both moved and strengthened by the extraordinary support we have already had, but it needs to continue.
Republika, 11 February 2014